On Sunday, October 3, Syria is set to establish its first parliament since the ousting of former President Bashar al-Assad. Critics argue that the process does not allow for genuine representation of the Syrian people but rather enables interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa to tighten his grip on power.

Two-thirds of the 210 parliamentary seats will be filled through indirect voting by regional electoral bodies composed of 6,000 voters. The remaining third will be appointed directly by al-Sharaa, who also personally selected the committee responsible for approving candidacy applications. That committee approved 1,570 candidates.

Human rights advocates have criticized the election mechanism, calling it overly centralized and unrepresentative. Concerns have been raised about the lack of participation from women and religious and ethnic minorities.

Al-Sharaa, formerly a senior figure in al-Qaeda’s Syrian branch, is seen as consolidating control. Minority groups are particularly wary of the Islamist-led government, especially following sectarian violence in coastal Alawite-majority areas and in the Druze-majority province of Sweida.

Authorities justify the indirect system by citing the lack of reliable population data due to the displacement of millions during the war. Elections have been postponed in northeastern regions controlled by Kurdish authorities and in Sweida, citing security and political concerns—leaving 19 parliamentary seats vacant.

The city of Deir ez-Zor exemplifies Syria’s divisions: the Euphrates River splits it into a government-controlled western half where voting will occur and an eastern half under Kurdish control where elections will not be held.

Women make up at least 20% of candidates in only a quarter of electoral districts and less than 10% in half of them. Analysts warn that the current “winner-takes-all” voting system may result in a parliament dominated by Sunni men.

Although al-Sharaa has pledged inclusive policies and may allocate appointed seats to women and minorities, observers fear he could use these appointments to further entrench his authority.

In his analysis, Haid Haid, a senior nonresident fellow at the Arab Reform Initiative, wrote:

“If the president selects individuals loyal to him, he could pass laws via presidential decrees without the council having the power to challenge or amend them.”

He added:

 “This process could either legitimize a fragile transitional phase or deepen skepticism and reduce its chances of success.”